National

Axios On HBO: Jason Wright on Washington Football Team Name (Clip)

Washington Football Team president Jason Wright concedes there are mixed views around the interim name for the NFL franchise, but told Jim VandeHei in an "Axios on HBO" interview that he doesn't "think it's that weird."

The big picture: The WFT changed their name in 2020 after years of complaints that the old one was a racial slur. Wright was hired after the name change.

Regarding the name change, Wright says he came from the bubble that considered the old name derogatory, but upon moving into his new role he “found out that the debate of folks closer to it was much more nuanced than that.”

Still, he told "Axios on HBO" that “the right thing is to move forward into a new name, brand, and identity that captures the best parts of our history and allows us to innovate and move into the future.”

The thinking prior was ‘Hey, we need to get something that can be a great placeholder,’ but there’s also precedent for a team that is named after the place it’s in.”

The big picture: Wright, 38, is the NFL's first Black team president. He told "Axios on HBO" that systemic racism — or racial bias, as he prefers to call it — exists everywhere but is "more obvious" in the NFL. 

 "I think [systemic racism] is more obvious because 70% of the men on the field are Black men, right? So I think it just, the optics of it are different," Wright said.

"I've experienced racial bias ... through high school, college, and definitely in my professional career."

"When you have any moment of accomplishment, accolade, appointment ... the first question in people's minds is, 'Is this tokenism? Is this a PR stunt? Do they deserve it?'" 

"No matter what the track record was before ... It's something that every Black professional experiences at some level."

Wright played in the league from 2004-10 as a running back for the Falcons, Browns and Cardinals, serving as the Cardinals' union rep during the 2011 lockout before retiring.

He earned his MBA from the University of Chicago Booth School of Business in 2013.

He became partner in the Operations Practice at the consulting firm, McKinsey & Company, where he specialized in organizational diversity and inclusion.

Between the lines: The WFT has long been embroiled in conflicts and lawsuits regarding its prior name and various sexual harassment allegations.

In the interview, Wright said the organization and its staff are committed to changing the culture.

The bottom line: Washington's troubled past, paired with a worldwide racial reckoning in which the NFL is more than just a bit player, puts Wright in the spotlight as the team and league both work to change their image.

Axios On HBO: Jason Wright on Working with Dan Snyder (Clip)

Washington Football Team president: I don’t think our name is “that weird”

The WFT changed their name in 2020 after years of complaints that the old one was a racial slur.

Sports

Axios on HBO

Axios On HBO: Ukrainian President Zelensky on the Capitol Attack (Clip)

KYIV — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky tells "Axios on HBO" that he was "shocked" by the pro-Trump mob storming the U.S. Capitol, saying he never imagined this could happen in America and that it harms U.S. efforts to promote democracy abroad.

Why it matters: Zelensky's comments show how the Jan. 6 riots have echoed beyond America's borders, unsettling allies and emerging democracies that look to the U.S. for security and inspiration.

In the interview, Zelensky also talks more openly than ever about his 2019 call with then-President Trump, which helped pave the way for Trump's first impeachment.

Zelensky is hoping to reset the U.S.-Ukraine relationship under the new administration and with President Biden — whom he has yet to meet.

The big picture: The spectacle of the siege on the Capitol left a deep impression on Zelensky and has caused him to rethink his assumptions about America. "I believe this was a strong blow to democracy of the United States," he said, speaking through an interpreter in an interview at his presidential office.

"We are used to believing that the United States has the ideal democratic institutions, where power is transferred calmly. ... In Ukraine, we lived through two revolutions ... we understood such things can happen in the world.

"But that it could happen in the United States? No one expected that ... I was very worried … I did not want you to have a coup.

"After something like this, I believe it would be very difficult for the world to see the United States as a symbol of democracy." 

Between the lines: Zelensky finds himself in a difficult situation — caught between a hostile invader in Russia and allies in Europe and the U.S., which talks a good game when it comes to defending Ukraine but is often absent when it really counts.

The emptiness of American rhetoric was starkly revealed in 2014 when Russia invaded Ukraine, seizing Crimea and the eastern territories. 

Then-President Obama spoke out forcefully against the invasion, as did his point person on Ukraine — then-Vice President Biden. But the Obama administration wouldn't send weapons to the Ukrainians to defend themselves against their invaders.

The backstory: In the years since, Zelensky has had to deal with other American betrayals. As a newly elected president in 2019, he hoped to have a productive relationship with Trump. But in their infamous early phone call, Trump wasn't interested in helping Ukraine. 

Trump was fixated on bullying Zelensky into announcing an investigation into Hunter Biden, the son of his political rival. Trump briefly held up hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to Ukraine as leverage to pressure Zelensky into announcing these investigations. 

Trump ended up releasing the aid after members of Congress sounded alarms about his scheme, but after that, he never bothered himself with Ukraine again and gave Zelensky the cold shoulder.

Axios On HBO: Ukrainian President Zelensky on the Call With President Trump (Clip)

Exclusive: Ukraine's Zelensky calls riots "strong blow" to U.S. democracy

Zelensky is hoping to reset the U.S.-Ukraine relationship with the new Biden administration.

Politics

World

2024 will be an election year like no other, as President Biden seeks re-election amid economic uncertainty, two wars and questions about his age. His likely foe, former President Trump, faces felony charges and vows revenge on his political enemies. Meanwhile, Americans generally are dissatisfied with those choices and are divided over immigration, race, education and more.

Politics & Policy

Conflicts, policies and powers are intersecting and shaping the world. Breaking news and analysis of national security, foreign policy and global crises.

KYIV — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky told "Axios on HBO" that he doesn't consider China to be a major geopolitical threat — a stance that may cause him friction with the Biden administration and Congress — even as he vowed to limit Chinese control of critical technology sectors.

Why it matters: Zelensky's comments represent a break with U.S. national security leaders from both major political parties who are trying to rally allies to confront the threat of the Chinese Communist Party.

Driving the news: Asked about emerging consensus in Washington that China is the No. 1 geopolitical threat, Zelensky said, "I cannot agree with that because in Ukraine we do not feel this."

"There really is this a sort of cold war between China and the United States," he said.

"We know United States business is represented in Ukraine, but at the same time, it's true that Chinese business is also represented."

"I believe that regardless of the nation, the nationality, if people, if business, if a certain country, treats you with respect, respecting your people and borders, they can be present in your country."

Between the lines: There's only so much leverage the U.S. has to push Zelensky away from China. Beijing has crushed Washington at vaccine diplomacy — a painful reality that Zelensky discussed in the "Axios on HBO" interview.

Zelensky has tried to obtain for his country the higher-quality American vaccines. And he’s pushed the Europeans for their help. But given the difficulty he’s faced to secure doses, he said he is willing to work with Beijing to get large quantities of a safe COVID vaccine for the Ukrainian people.  

Worth noting: The U.S. did not offer its superior vaccines to Ukraine and in fact took steps to make it harder for Zelensky to obtain them.

Axios On HBO: Ukrainian President Zelensky on Vaccine Distribution in Ukraine (Clip)

Behind the scenes: How to handle China is a growing sore point in U.S.-Ukraine relations. Trump administration officials privately expressed concerns that China — which became Ukraine's top trading partner in 2019 — was flooding Ukraine with easy cash and in return embedding itself in Ukraine's critical sectors including defense and telecom. 

U.S. officials are worried about China stealing intelligence secrets and wielding nefarious influence over allies who are increasingly beholden to Beijing.

Yes, but: Senior U.S. government officials have been trying for years to persuade Ukraine to stop China from buying Motor Sich, an aero engine manufacturer that is the crown jewel of Ukraine's defense sector.

In the interview, Zelensky said for the first time definitively that he will not allow China, or any other country, to buy a controlling stake in Motor Sich.

"Never," he said. "Not under me. I am not here for life... [But] in my time [in office], definitely not.

The bottom line: Russia is a far more imminent concern for Ukraine. But when Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, China never condemned Russia's action. So while Zelensky may not call out China as a threat, he knows that China can't be relied upon in a Russia-Ukraine crisis.

Exclusive: Ukraine's Zelensky says he doesn't feel China threat

A break with U.S. national security leaders.

China

Hill Leaders

Axios Hill Leaders

Data: Office of Government Ethics; Note: Names with asterisks reported income covering both 2019 and 2020, which are averaged here. Some sources of income are disclosed in ranges, so the lower and upper ends are noted where applicable; Chart: Michelle McGhee/Axios 

Some of President Biden's marquee administration picks had sizable incomes in recent years, according to numbers crunched by Axios, yet it's official disclosure forms about to become public that will tell a more compelling tale.

Why it matters: It's not surprising senior administration officials would also be successful in the private sector. But the populist moment the country finds itself in means personal wealth can come with political liability.

 What's new: Data compiled from financial disclosure forms show Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen topped the income list among top Biden officials, largely due to her lucrative speaking gigs at major financial institutions.

Alejandro Mayorkas, Biden's pick to lead the Department of Homeland Security, was a close second, having drawn substantial sums from his partnership share in a law firm.

Due to the timing of their filings, some Biden officials have disclosed income for 2020 while others disclosed numbers covering both 2019 and 2020. For the latter, Axios averaged their annual income during those two years.

The big picture: Biden has pledged to roll back what he's characterized as systemic conflicts of interest and self-dealing by former President Trump and his top administration officials. But he and Vice President Kamala Harris already have been buffeted by questions about potential conflicts involving their own family members. 

The lucrative business dealings and speaking gigs disclosed to date by those Biden has tapped for senior posts threaten to provide easy fodder for congressional and media critics.

A rolling filing deadline means the forms will begin trickling out within the next month, and what they reveal has the potential to highlight even more conflicts of interest from a revolving door between big business and the Obama and Biden administrations.  

The president's big-money team

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen topped the income list, largely due to her lucrative speaking gigs at major financial institutions.

Joe Biden Cabinet

President Biden is tempering the ambassadorial expectations of his big-dollar donors, signaling he won't hand out plum posts for months and hinting he'll nominate fewer of them than his predecessors. 

The big picture: The president embraced the Democratic Party's push for diversity when choosing his Cabinet. Now lawmakers are pressuring him to extend it to his ambassador picks, meaning white male donors — the core of his fundraiser base — will be in serious competition for fewer spots.

What we are hearing: Biden is most likely to reward loyal politicians and former aides, with talk about former senators like Claire McCaskill headed for a gilded post in Europe. 

On the policy-makers front, Julianne Smith, a former Biden aide, could be nominated as ambassador to NATO.

In the donor class, Denise Bauer, Obama's ambassador to Belgium, was a top fundraiser. She could return to Europe, possibly Paris, among the most coveted positions. 

Doug Hickey, another big Biden donor, also is interested in a foreign posting. 

James Costos, a former HBO executive who served as Obama’s ambassador to Spain, has expressed interest in the United Kingdom, but many others are interested, including David Cohen, a Comcast executive.

Louis Frillman, a real estate investor, and Nathalie Rayes, president of the Latino Victory Project, have told associates they're interested in Madrid or another European post.

The big question: The ambassadorship to China has recently gone to former politicians, giving Beijing the prestige of a big-branded name and the White House the comfort that its envoy will have a political antenna to detect any potential problems.

If Biden names Disney executive chairman Robert Iger, who has told Biden officials he’s interested, it would break that mold.

Biden is scheduled, weather permitting, to visit the State Department on Monday, a symbolic showing as he seeks to re-invigorate diplomacy and underscore America’s commitment to allies and partners. He's also expected to deliver remarks about his foreign policy initiatives.

While the president certainly will name some donors to top posts, others are getting nervous they’ll be passed over and are feverishly pressing their cases. 

While more than 800 individuals and couples raised more than $100,000 for Biden's presidential bid, the more elite group of "bundlers" raised well above that amount and also gave the maximum of $620,000 to the Biden Victory Fund.

By the numbers: Biden will likely make non-career nominations for about 30% of the roughly 190 total ambassadorships, leaving 70% for the career Foreign Service, according to people familiar with the matter.

 That 70:30 ratio would be in line with the traditional breakdown, according to the American Foreign Service Association. 

President Trump deviated by nominating political ambassadors for about 44% of his appointments.

Trump's nominees also skewed heavily non-diverse, with more than 90% of his openings going to those who are white, Foreign Policy reported in 2018.

Go deeper: The political category has always been divided, broadly, into three buckets: policy experts, politicians and donors.

Biden is expected to draw more heavily from the first two categories, leaving fewer positions for donors looking to cap a successful business career with a foreign posting.

Biden has a sprawling network of Beltway friends and allies but was never that successful — or reliant — on the money and celebrity classes in New York and California.

Biden trimming diplomatic posts for top donors

He's hinted he'll nominate fewer big donors than his predecessors, as lawmakers pressure him for more diverse ambassador picks.

Then-Vice President Joe Biden is seen walking with Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi and U.S. Ambassador to Italy John Phillips.

Then-Vice President Joe Biden with Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, left, and U.S. ambassador to Italy John Phillips in 2015. Photo: Tiberio Barchielli/Italian Prime Ministry/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

Joe Biden

President Biden's team knows his national media honeymoon is coming to an end, so it's preparing to speak directly to the American people through local reporters and avoid distractions with its anti-Trumpian approach of ignoring Twitter.

Why it matters: The White House controlled the narrative for the first 12 days with daily themes and choreographed executive orders, but its communicators know they must be innovative as the press corps steps up its independent scrutiny, and they try to sell initiatives like a coronavirus relief package.

“It will get harder," said Pili Tobar, a White House deputy communication director. "Discipline is the name of the game."

The strategy: Vice President Kamala Harris inaugurated one approach last week by giving interviews with newspapers and TV stations in West Virginia and Arizona. Those are two states where Biden will need the votes of Democratic senators to pass his $1.9 trillion COVID-relief bill. 

But that end-around is fraught with risks and may have backfired in West Virginia. Sen Joe Manchin told a local station:  "That’s not a way of working together."

Biden officials also plan to create more of their own content and revive a version of the “West Wing Week,” a behind-the-scenes video series produced by the Obama White House. 

White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki has already answered questions submitted by the public and was trailed by a crew from "The Circus," a cable program popular with politicos.

There are additional plans for outreach through Skype, YouTube and Twitter.

"We're going to have some fun new spins on some of the old traditions," said Kate Berner, also a White House deputy communications director. 

Message management: The White House is being especially careful with its most valuable communications currency: pronouncements from Biden himself.  

Aides have spent that capital by putting the president at center stage to sign executive orders and give scripted remarks on their story of the day. That furnishes fresh images and soundbites for the network’s evening news. 

They save it by limiting Biden's exposure to journalists. The president took questions from just five preselected reporters Monday, but Biden himself called on Fox News' Peter Doocy and also made some newsy comments to CNN's Kaitlan Collins after she bumped into him in a West Wing corridor.

Between the lines: Psaki didn’t take the bait from reporters in the briefing room when they asked questions about controversial statements from Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.).

Psaki said she didn't want to "elevate conspiracy theories."

Berner added: "We didn't let our eye get taken off the ball by what's going on on Twitter, or what the press corps is popping into Lower Press (at the White House) to ask about."

White House plans to bypass national media

"Discipline is the name of the game," said Pili Tobar, a White House deputy communication director.

Biden White House press secretary Jen Psaki answers her first set of public questions via Twitter

Jen Psaki answers her first set of public questions. Via Twitter. 

Media

Kamala Harris

Axios AM

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer told the Rev. Al Sharpton on MSNBC that at next week's impeachment trial, the House managers "are going to show the American people — vividly, on film — what happened there in the Capitol, what Trump said. … All of America will see it."

Why it matters:  Most Republicans have said they will not vote to convict. But "the effort to present new video evidence and witness testimony appears designed to make Republican senators as uncomfortable as possible as they prepare to vote to acquit Trump," the Washington Post writes. 

What they're saying: "There's a lot of bull going on with these Republicans," Schumer said. "The only healing will come if we take full accountability." 

"Video, audio and other visual materials are considered even more pivotal to making the case for conviction in Trump’s second impeachment trial."

Trump adviser Jason Miller told Axios' Mike Allen: "'Emotionally charged' is code for 'We know this is unconstitutional, but we’re going to try to put on a show anyway.'" 

Democrats plan to marshal video, audio for Trump trial

House managers "are going to show the American people — vividly, on film — what happened there in the Capitol." Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said.

Senate President pro tempore Pat Leahy swears in senators on Tuesday for the impeachment trial. Photo: Senate TV via AP

Senate Democrats

Finish Line

Axios Finish Line

Joe Biden ran as a unifying centrist destined to be in conflict with activist liberals. Turns out, Biden is governing as an activist liberal constrained by centrists. 

Why it matters: Biden has outlined the most liberal agenda in a generation. But centrist Democrats, including Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), are potential deal-killers on climate change, spending and immigration reform.  

It's the Manchins of the world who could slow, if not stop, efforts to end the filibuster — the single biggest obstacle to enacting a truly liberal agenda.

On top of Biden's expansive agenda, add Speaker Pelosi — a progressive who always wants to go big, and is thinking about her legacy — and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, who worries about a primary from his left.

Between the lines: The Biden team sees him as an activist president, but with an agenda that commands broad support. 

A FiveThirtyEight polling analysis finds majority support for 13 of 14 Biden executive actions in Week 1. (Canceling the Keystone pipeline got a plurality.)

The country doesn't see it as liberal to fight the pandemic, racism or climate change. 

What to watch: Centrist Democratic senators — including Manchin; Kyrsten Sinema and Mark Kelly, both of Arizona; and Michael Bennet of Colorado  — hold high cards.

With the Senate split 50-50, and Vice President Harris breaking ties, Biden needs every Democrat, even if the party uses budget reconciliation or ditches the filibuster rule — both mechanisms for passing bills with a simple majority.  

And Biden first will try to govern normally, which means 60 votes, and bringing some Republicans on board. 

Manchin complained to WSAZ-TV in Huntington, W.Va., about an interview Harris had given the station to push Biden's $1.9 trillion COVID rescue plan: "I couldn’t believe it. No one called me. ... That’s not a way of working together."

Between the lines: Matt Bennett — a founder of Third Way, which champions center-left ideas — said the way to think about Biden's agenda is that he isn't "a '90s small government centrist and never has been.  ... He wants to do big things, but only things that work."

So Biden is pursuing "big ideas on climate, economic opportunity, child poverty, health care," but rejecting "far-left ideas like Medicare for All, the Green New Deal (including banning all fracking), abolish ICE, Defund the Police, universal basic income, etc."

The big picture: It might not happen fast. But many top Democrats believe Biden may eventually embrace eliminating the filibuster, so they can do bigger liberal projects that last much longer. 

Biden flips the script — and reality

Centrists could be potential deal-killers on issues like climate change and immigration reform.

Joe Biden at the resolute desk with kamala harris in the oval office.

President Biden, with Vice President Harris, before signing executive actions on Thursday. Photo: Doug Mills/The New York Times via Getty Images

A group of 10 Senate Republicans, led by Sen. Susan Collins (Maine), sent a letter to President Biden Sunday requesting a meeting, saying they have developed a counterproposal to the president's COVID-19 relief plan.

The big picture: The proposal includes $160 billion in spending for vaccines, testing and tracing, treatment and medical equipment. The senators said the plan "could be approved quickly by Congress with bipartisan support," if it gained Biden's support.

It includes a measure to renew unemployment benefits that expire in March. It also seeks to send a new round of direct payments to "families who need assistance the most," and to send additional assistance to small businesses.

"Our proposal reflects many of your stated priorities," the senators wrote.

What they're saying: “In the spirit of bipartisanship and unity, we have developed a COVID-19 relief framework that builds on prior COVID assistance laws, all of which passed with bipartisan support,” the senators wrote.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) shot back at the plan via an interview with the New York Daily News, saying: “They should negotiate with us, not make a take-it-or-leave-it offer." 

He said Democrats would have to use budget reconciliation — passing legislation with a simple majority vote — to push their relief package forward if Republicans don't join them to take "bold, strong action." 

Between the lines: Biden has said he prefers a bipartisan approach to getting his plan through Congress, writes Axios Hans Nichols. 

But he hasn’t ruled out relying on Democratic votes alone to pass his proposal through budget reconciliation, which requires a simple majority in the Senate. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi signaled last week that Democrats would seek to use the tactic if they could not garner Republican support.

What's new: National Economic Council Director Brian Deese told CNN's State of the Union on Sunday morning that the White House has "seen the letter and will be reviewing it over the course of the day."

What's next: The senators will reveal more of the plan's details on Monday, per Politico. 

Go deeper: White House plots "full-court press" for $1.9 trillion relief plan

10 Senate Republicans propose compromise on COVID relief package

The senators said the plan would pass Congress with Biden's support.

Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) Photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images

Coronavirus

Policymaking

The U.S. health system faces critical questions about cost, access and equity. Technological advances and new discoveries about diseases like cancer and Alzheimer’s are transforming patient care and reshaping public health.

Health

Capital

Axios Capital

Reproduced from Branko Milanovic using GHS Index and Worldometer data; Chart: Axios Visuals

Some of the richest countries in the world — the ones that had been considered the best prepared to handle a pandemic — turned out to be the ones that suffered the highest death rates. 

Why it matters: The SARS-CoV-2 virus has proven that preparedness needs to be global, and coordinated.

By the numbers: Just before the pandemic, Johns Hopkins University, the Nuclear Threat Initiative, and the Economist Intelligence Unit released a World Health Preparedness Report ranking every country in the world on its pandemic preparedness.

The highest-ranked country was the U.S. — but now, only eight of the 153 countries in the study have a worse death rate than the U.S.

The U.K. came in second for preparedness; its death rate is even worse than America's.

Thailand and Sweden were ranked equally on preparedness, but Thailand has seen only 1 death per million people, while Sweden has seen 1,078. 

The big picture: The virus spread in large part because of two big failures. First, the Chinese government failed to contain it and tried to cover it up. And second, the U.S. failed to take on the global leadership role that most pandemic specialists expected to see.

Once the virus was spreading internationally, it traveled first along the world's densest travel and trade corridors, and proved most lethal to the elderly, who are overrepresented among rich countries. 

Where it stands: The Biden White House has promised to rejoin the World Health Organization; help lead the  Global Health Security Agenda; and create protocols for coordinating and deploying a global response to any future pandemic.

That's all part of a broader attempt to fight the current pandemic and put the world on a stronger footing when the next one emerges.

What's next: As Princeton economist Angus Deaton points out, future deaths may well fall more heavily on poorer countries, especially if rich countries vaccinate themselves first. 

For the time being, however, even after accounting for possible measurement and reporting errors, the virus has disproportionately hit the richest and best-prepared nations.

The bottom line: The preparedness report made it very clear that most countries were ill positioned to combat a global pandemic. What no one predicted was that the best-prepared would end up seeing the highest death rates. 

Rich countries' pandemic preparedness failures

COVID proved preparedness needs to be global and coordinated.

Health Care

Former President Trump hasn't made a final decision on his legal team, days out from his impeachment trial starting, his adviser Jason Miller said Saturday after it emerged he'd lost two lead defense attorneys.

Why it matters: Trump's Senate trial is due to begin Feb. 8. It's unclear who'll take the lead now South Carolina lawyers Butch Bowers and Deborah Barbier have left the team. Several other attorneys are also reportedly no longer with the Trump legal team.

Details: Former South Carolina federal prosecutors Greg Harris and Johnny Gasser, who were previously announced for Trump's impeachment defense, will no longer be a part of the legal team, per AP.

North Carolina attorney Josh Howard, "who had been reported as joining the effort but who was never confirmed by Trump advisers publicly, is also not on the team," notes the New York Times' Maggie Haberman.

"Trump wanted the attorneys to argue there was mass election fraud and it was stolen from him rather than focus on proposed arguments about constitutionality," tweeted CNN's Kaitlan Collins, who first reported the news on Bowers and Barbier and also reported on Howard.

What they're saying: The decision on Bowers and Barbier was mutual, a Trump adviser told news outlets. 

Axios

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