Details:

• Saudi Arabia: The killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi put the kingdom under the spotlight and galvanized bipartisan opposition to its war in Yemen, which Trump has supported. A bipartisan Senate vote to end American arms sales for the Saudi war in Yemen passed and the House will soon act — solidifying the rebuke of Trump’s position.
• The Middle East: Trump’s decision in December 2018 to withdraw U.S. troops from Syria and hints of doing the same in Afghanistan prompted a backlash, including the resignation of Jim Mattis over Syria. Congress snapped to, and the Senate last week passed a bipartisan measure opposing the withdrawals.
• Arms control: Congress has yet to address the administration's announced withdrawal from a Cold War-era nuclear arms treaty with Russia, but is typically loath to pull out of diplomatic agreements without replacements. Doing so can both trigger new security threats and undermine American credibility at future negotiating tables — a concern for North Korea talks.
• Russia: Congress has been vexed by zigzagging implementation of sanctions against Russia for election interference. While it failed to reverse Trump’s lifting of sanctions against companies linked to Putin-ally Oleg Deripaska, the vote attracted 11 Republicans.
• Venezuela: Trump has hewed to the congressionally supported line of opposition to President Nicolás Maduro. But too much talk of military action to remove Maduro could end that alignment.

Yes, but: On foreign policy issues with strong domestic support, such as military aid to Israel, the status quo persists in both Congress and the Trump administration, despite partisan attempts to claim otherwise.

What to watch: Russia will continue to be a flashpoint — with House Intelligence Committee hearings on election interference and Senate concerns about a new nuclear arms race — as could Defense and State Department authorization bills, if they set up conflicts over the Middle East or nuclear weapons policy.

Joel Rubin is president of the Washington Strategy Group and the former deputy assistant secretary of state for the House of Representatives.

Between the lines: Because Maduro's anti-gringo card is his key to survival, Trump would have to take actions that maintain the legitimacy of Guaidó’s position without adding risk by raising the American profile. There could be several dimensions to such a strategy:

1. Economic and political incentives: A robust economic aid package dependent on a new leader being installed could make it clear to Venezuelans that their economic pain will subside once Maduro is gone. Amnesty to those willing to switch sides against Maduro could also be offered.
2. Humanitarian assistance: The U.S. could signal that it stands with Venezuelans by increasing humanitarian assistance to refugees and expediting its asylum process.
3. Non-militarism: A call for non-violence is critical. Maduro and his cronies should know that they will be held accountable for any violence on their part. Any hint of U.S. military activity could play into Maduro’s hands.

Multilateralism has been effective and remains the clearest path to resolving the crisis. It will ensure that those who can actually achieve the goal of displacing Maduro — the Venezuelan people, armed forces and politicians — are viewed as legitimate both inside the country and abroad.

What to watch: The next step for the U.S. is to build a robust package activities backed by regional partners — and potentially the UN — that further incentivize Venezuelans to push out Maduro. There's a real sense of urgency, as Venezuelans themselves will face greater risks without support from the international community.

Joel Rubin is the president of the Washington Strategy Group and the former deputy assistant secretary of state for the House of Representatives.

The danger of such inconsistency is that America's word becomes meaningless, leading allies to doubt Washington's promises and adversaries its resolve. Because Trump has neither responded to Bolton's statements nor clarified his position, it's unclear how committed he is to the Syria withdrawal.

Between the lines: Congress has not authorized the U.S. military presence in Syria. Neither Obama nor Trump sought authorization, knowing that it would likely not be granted, despite Congressional concerns about withdrawal.

• The only time that authorization for military activity aimed at Syria was sought — by Obama, in August 2013, against chemical weapons facilities — it garnered too little support to be brought to a vote.

Bolton's plan to keep U.S. troops in Syria would therefore defy both the president's and Congress’ wishes. Without official support from either, there is no clear mandate or coherent policy for the U.S. to stay in Syria.

What to watch: Bolton will aim to assuage U.S. allies concerned about a troop withdrawal as well as both the president and Congressional critics of the U.S. presence in Syria — a difficult needle to thread.

Joel Rubin is the president of the Washington Strategy Group and the former deputy assistant secretary of state for the House of Representatives.