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Race, Politics and Influence in America

National

Both Democrats and Republicans are increasingly pandering to voters of color across the country, but once in office little gets done to improve systemic racism in policing or the justice system or voting rights. 

Why it matters: For people of color, America's political system remains rife with obstacles that block their ability to run for office, influence those in power and have a voice through election fundraising.

White Americans will no longer be the majority of the population by 2045. 

The changing electorate is demanding more representation at the top and action on issues that Black, Asian American, Native American and Latino voters care about. 

If who's in the U.S. Congress is a measure, there's much progress to be proud of, especially in the House of Representatives, where the share of Black lawmakers is nearly equal to the Black percentage of the U.S. population. But structural barriers make it harder for non-whites to break into the power system elsewhere.

The U.S. Senate remains overwhelmingly a club for older white men. The historic choice of Kamala Harris as vice president left the Senate without a single Black woman. 

The rising cost of running for office leaves out many who don't have their own wealth. Freshman Rep. Mondaire Jones (D-N.Y.) became the first person of color to win his district's seat, but he had to quit his job and live without health care for over a year while campaigning. You shouldn't have to "come from money to be able to win a congressional seat in this country,” Jones tells Axios.  Read more about race and political donors.

Washington's lobbying shops hire directly from Capitol Hill and reflect the overwhelmingly white job pool that works there. Only 11% of the U.S. Senate's top office staff — chiefs of staff, legislative directors and communications directors — are people of color. Read more about race and influence.

Democrats and Republicans are setting up for a big fight over the redistricting process, a tool often used to consolidate or divide voters along racial lines. Read more about race and gerrymandering.

Between the lines: Both parties are tantalized by the potentially rich vein of votes that lie in growing communities of color. 

Democrats in particular have campaigned hard to increase turnout among Black and Latino voters — with notable successes in 2008 and in the last election cycle. 

Republicans pitched themselves as a party that welcomes minorities during their convention last summer, despite the fact that President Trump's election was largely due to white voters. Now House Republicans have their own plan to nominate candidates of color and women to take back the chamber in 2022. 

Be smart: In 2020, Black, Latino and Native American voters made a difference in key elections.

President Biden's campaign was considered over until South Carolina Rep. James Clyburn's endorsement going into Super Tuesday, which set Biden on a path to the Democratic nomination. 

Latino and Native American voters in Arizona, along with diverse city centers in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, clinched Biden's electoral win. 

And Black voters in Georgia — along with the advocacy of Stacey Abrams — handed Biden the Senate majority, unlocking the possibility for him to accomplish significant legislative priorities.

But at the same time, GOP-controlled legislatures are considering a wave of bills to limit voting in some states where minority voters turned out for Biden.

The bottom line: America's political leadership continues to see "firsts" for people of color — a title that comes with unique pressure and underscores how long white Americans have been overrepresented in the halls of power. 

1. When America needs your vote but limits your power

America has become more diverse, but the halls of political power still reflect America of 50 years ago.

hard truths politics structural barriers to political power and influence

 Photo Illustration: Eniola Odetunde/Axios. Photos: Erik McGregor, Bettmann/Getty Images 

Deep Dive: Hard Truths - Power and Influence

Politics & Policy

The Alfred E. Smith Memorial Foundation Dinner is a must-not-miss event for those who want access to the highest perches of political power and can ante up the $3,000 for an individual ticket or more than $100,000 for a table. Those donors are mostly wealthy white men and corporations, which are mostly run by wealthy white men.

2. Politics and influence at the 2016 Al Smith dinner

Admission to the highest perches of power will set you back at least $3,000 per ticket; $100,000 for an entire table.

Attendees at the 2016 Alfred E. Smith Memorial Foundation dinner are mostly white men in tuxedos. Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump attended. 

The 2016 Alfred E. Smith Memorial Foundation Dinner. Photo: Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images)

The Alfred E. Smith Memorial Foundation Dinner is a must-not-miss event for those who want access to the highest perches of political power and can ante up the $3,000 for an individual ticket or more than $100,000 for a table. Those donors are mostly wealthy white men and corporations, which are mostly run by wealthy white men.

Freshman Rep. Mondaire Jones (D-N.Y.) became the first person of color to represent his district, but he had to quit his job and live off savings for a year and a half while running for office. 

Why it matters: If money is power in politics, people of color barely have a seat at the table. Recent election cycles have produced some of the most diverse candidate fields in history. But those paying for the campaigns have remained demographically unchanged: 9 in 10 donors are wealthy and white. 

What he's saying: "It shouldn't be that you have to be a corporate lawyer or have gone to Harvard Law School and have a network of friends who are willing to donate to you,” Jones told our "Axios Today" podcast. “Or come from money to be able to win a congressional seat in this country.”

Increasing income inequality between Black and white Americans is what's keeping the political donor class mostly white — and that racial wealth gap will take years to close. 

Brookings researchers found that "the net worth of a typical white family is nearly ten times greater than that of a Black family," which leaves fewer Black families with so-called disposable income. 

"Even for those donors who do have disposable income, our campaign finance laws currently allow massive corporations, many of which still reap the benefits of slave labor, to easily offset those donations," D'Seanté Parks, who leads candidate engagement for #VOTEPROCHOICE, told Axios. 

Rep. James Clyburn said systemic racism in politics was made worse by the Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission decision, which allowed more money to flow into politics through corporate, union and other association donations to third-party groups. 

Citizens United was "the worst Supreme Court decision since Dred Scott." The landmark decision gave outsized power to Big Money, dramatically increasing the size and influence of corporate-funded political groups and boosting their political pull at the expense of individuals, said Clyburn.

But House Democrats have passed a sweeping reform bill, known as HR 1, that proposes expanding voting rights and rooting out money's power in politics by imposing stricter rules on lobbying and increasing transparency around donors.

"The reason why we don’t see as many Black Americans and others from underrepresented communities in donor networks is the same reason why minority folks are underrepresented in every power structure in this country: institutional racism," Parks added. 

Between 1980 and 2012, the share of individual donations from people of color never exceeded 11% in any U.S. House election cycle, according to a 2019 research paper published in the American Political Science Review journal. 

"It’s not just that these political systems were built exclusively by white wealthy men, but they were built with the intention of preserving those power dynamics across the country," Parks said.

The big picture: Money buys access to votes through advertising, direct mail and voter data. Without it, it's more difficult to exert political power and effectively advocate for your community's interests. 

The cost of a competitive campaign — plus the traditionally low salaries that come with many state-level offices — means that the barrier to entry in the political pipeline is often too high to breach for large shares of minority communities. 

“It’s a new world that opens up to you when you start donating politically," Lola West, a Black Democratic donor, told the Washington Post. "You get entrée to conversations, to meetings, to activities that are going on." 

Barack Obama's 2008 presidential campaign and victory signaled a new era for Black political donors, who saw themselves in his political rise. Research has found that minority candidates for elected office often inspire an increase in people of color contributing during election cycles. 

Democrats won the recent Georgia Senate runoffs and the 2020 presidential election because of high Black voter turnout and the work of Black organizers on the ground.

Don't forget: The race between Jon Ossoff and David Perdue was the most expensive contest ever, drawing in over $470 million, per OpenSecrets.

3. The struggle to break into America's political donor class

If money is power in politics, people of color barely have a seat at the table.

Illustration of a hand dropping a penny towards a vote pin

Latin America and Latinos

Freshman Rep. Mondaire Jones (D-N.Y.) became the first person of color to represent his district, but he had to quit his job and live off savings for a year and a half while running for office. Why it matters: If money is power in politics, people of color barely have a seat at the table. Recent election cycles have produced some of the most diverse candidate fields in history. But those paying for the campaigns have remained demographically unchanged: <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="9 in 10 donors" data-vars-click-url="https://www.demos.org/sites/default/files/publications/Whose%20Voice%20Whose%20Choice_2.pdf" data-vars-content-id="5a00cc50-35ec-41d5-a2f2-ea26d89eeca8" data-vars-headline="The struggle to break into America&#x27;s political donor class" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.demos.org/sites/default/files/publications/Whose%20Voice%20Whose%20Choice_2.pdf" target="_blank">9 in 10 donors</a> are wealthy and white.

Hill Leaders

Axios Hill Leaders

Few people of color among top Capitol Hill staff has led to a trickle of candidates in the pipeline to lobbying and public affairs jobs. 

Why it matters: Many industry groups and associations have an imperfect understanding of how the policies debated in Washington affect disadvantaged communities.

“There is still a misalignment of C-suite corporate diversity commitments with the faces and voices serving those companies in Washington," said Moses Mercado, principal at Ogilvy Government Relations. "It has gotten better, but with the current pipeline of diverse talent in D.C., the time for action is now.”

How it works: Most lobbyists get their start on Capitol Hill, where the hours are long, the pay is comparatively low, but the proximity to power is real. 

Congressional staff learn the legislative process and develop tight personal relationships and professional networks.

The longer they stay on Capitol Hill, the more valuable they are to Fortune 500 companies, who need lobbyists to help them navigate thorny political issues, explain their positions to lawmakers in the best possible light, and in some instances, even draft legislation.

Top lobbyists can easily make more than $1 million a year, but most make less, and nearly all are expected to contribute to the political campaigns of the lawmakers in their network, routinely writing $2,900 checks, the maximum allowed per election.

By the numbers: Only 11% of the Senate's top office staff — chiefs of staff, legislative directors and communications directors — are people of color, compared to approximately 40% of the country, according to the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. 

On the House side, 13.7% of top staff are minorities. 

Compare that to Congress, where roughly a quarter of the members of the 117th Congress are people of color, according to a Pew Research Center analysis.

What we're hearing: Multiple registered lobbyists of color told Axios that there aren't currently enough experienced congressional staffers to end the racial and ethnic disparities on K Street anytime soon. 

"It’s a pipeline problem," said Paul Thornell, a principal at Mehlman Castagnetti Rosen & Thomas, a well-known bipartisan lobby and public affairs firm. "We do see some bias on the lack of people of color in top jobs in the Senate, and that leads to fewer opportunities" in downtown lobbying jobs. 

Thornell, who is Black, credited Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) for trying to address the upstream issue by requiring Senate offices to report the racial makeup of their staffs — numbers that have been available since 2017. 

The other side: "The excuse that there’s no pipeline is a little bit of just that, an excuse," said Oscar Ramirez, a Democratic strategist. "There has always been a talent pool," he told Axios. "But I do think that you obviously need more numbers."

The bottom line: Companies are beginning to recognize that hiring a diverse lobbying team could help them achieve their preferred policy outcomes.

"Having the perspective of these communities is going to be critical to passing legislation" on President Biden's to-do list, said Ramirez.

4. The (mostly) white revolving door

"It’s a pipeline problem," said lobbyist Paul Thornell.

Illustration of the street sign of "K Street" in D.C.

Few people of color among top Capitol Hill staff has led to a trickle of candidates in the pipeline to lobbying and public affairs jobs. Why it matters: Many industry groups and associations have an imperfect understanding of how the policies debated in Washington affect disadvantaged communities.

Communities of color are driving population growth in states like Texas, North Carolina and Florida, but gerrymandering could limit their representation in Congress as district lines are redrawn this year based on a complicated 2020 census and just plain politics. 

Why it matters: When census counts are accurate and political boundaries fairly drawn, voters have more control over how their community is represented in government. 

Between the lines: Historically, two main tactics have been used to draw districts that dilute the voices of communities of color, experts say. 

Cracking: By drawing lines through a large community of color, their votes are swallowed by the largely white surrounding areas and their representation is limited.   

Consolidating:  By packing as many people of color as possible into one district, their voices and power are centralized, rather than present in multiple districts. The result is better representation but less political power statewide. 

What to watch: In 2013, the Supreme Court knocked out a section of the Voting Rights Act that required states with a history of racial discrimination — largely in the South — to get pre-clearance from the Justice Department before adopting their redistricting maps.

The requirement shed light on gerrymandered local districts, which doesn't get the same news coverage as congressional districts. Now "there may not be anybody there to notice, bring a lawsuit," Paul Smith, VP of litigation and strategy at the Campaign Legal Center, told Axios.

In addition, the Supreme Court recently blocked political gerrymandering cases from federal courts, ending legal recourse beyond state courts, except for racial gerrymandering cases.

There's no straightforward solution. Different communities of color have different preferences for how they think lines should be drawn to ensure that their political voice is heard — and different groups will disagree about whether their neighborhoods should be contained in one district or split among multiple districts. 

What they're saying: The question is "whether those communities will actually receive that additional representation or whether districts will be drawn in a way to manipulate boundaries" to further empower white communities, Yurij Rudensky, redistricting counsel in the Brennan Center's Democracy Program.

The coronavirus and the Trump administration's handling of the census during the pandemic have raised concerns about data accuracy on top of conventional undercounts of hard-to-reach groups such as immigrants. Data delays will also make the map-drawing process even more chaotic. 

New maps can help growing Black and brown neighborhoods elect politicians who can better represent them and address issues that affect them at the local, state and federal level.

Census undercounts and partisan gerrymandering instead dilute the power of voters of color in their own communities. 

What you can do: "It can be incredibly powerful just to say, 'I live here. My neighbors also live here.... We want to have a representative that represents us together,'" Justin Levitt, a national redistricting expert, told Axios.

The bottom line: Advocates are hopeful that this year's process will garner more public attention, forcing better accountability than in past years. 

5. Gerrymandering could take power from booming communities of color

Without the protection of the VRA's pre-clearance requirements, advocates worry about local gerrymandering.

Photo illustration of a hand casting a ballot surrounding by tally marks and a map of the District of Columbia voting precincts in the background

Photo illustration: Sarah Grillo/Axios. Photo: Afro American Newspapers/Getty Images

Politics

Communities of color are driving population growth in states like Texas, North Carolina and Florida, but gerrymandering could limit their representation in Congress as district lines are redrawn this year based on a complicated 2020 census and just plain politics. Why it matters: When census counts are accurate and political boundaries fairly drawn, voters have more control over how their community is represented in government.

Race and voting in America

Americans believe that all citizens have equal access to our fundamental democratic right: voting. But the fact is racial politics still suppress votes.

This special report explores the impact of race in America when it comes to voting.

Photo illustration of a young man with the word vote written on his head, women lined up to vote, and a hand holding a ballot

Photo Illustration: Sarah Grillo. Logo: Miranda Leung/Axios. Photos: Bettmann, Stephen F. Somerstein/Getty Images

Deep Dive: Hard Truths - Voting

Americans believe that all citizens have equal access to our fundamental democratic right: voting. But the fact is racial politics still suppress votes.

America is more racially and ethnically diverse. But structural barriers keep people of color from gaining the political power that reflects their numbers.

Structural barriers keep people of color from gaining the political power that reflects their numbers.

Photo illustration of Black Panthers, Lyndon B. Johnson handing over an award, and person holding a “Freeze Reagan, Stop the Arms race!”

Photo Illustration: Eniola Odetunde/Axios. Photos: David Fenton, Karl Gehring, Bettmann/Getty Images

America is more racially and ethnically diverse. But structural barriers keep people of color from gaining the political power that reflects their numbers.