• There's a stabilization fund to help states strengthen their individual health insurance markets.
  • $15 billion a year in 2018 and 2019, $10 billion a year in 2020 and 2021.
  • There's also a long-term state innovation fund, $62 billion over eight years, to help high-cost and low-income people buy health insurance.
• The ACA tax credits continue in 2018 and 2019.
• After that, they'd only be available for people with incomes up to 350 percent of the poverty line.
• The "actuarial value" — the amount of the medical costs that insurance would have to cover — would be lowered to 58 percent, down from 70 percent for the ACA's benchmark plans. That's likely to reduce the value of the tax credits.
• All ACA taxes would be repealed except for the "Cadillac tax" for generous plans, which would be delayed.
• Medicaid spending growth rate under per capita caps would be same as House bill until 2025. Then it switches to the general inflation rate, which is lower than House bill.
• States would be able to impose work requirements for people on Medicaid, except for the elderly, pregnant women and people with disabilities.
• Children with complex medical needs would be exempt from the per capita caps.

• A GOP aide close to issue told me there could be minor technical fixes to the bill that even some Senate staffers who worked on the original privately acknowledge need to be made. The bill would then be sent back to the House and if Chairman Royce gets his way it will proceed quickly to the floor and to the President's desk.

• "The energy on the left was considerable — and the $25 million sent to Ossoff was a product of that energy that posed a huge problem," he says. "That unprecedented amount of money put the race squarely in jeopardy."
• "Many factors were necessary to win — including a great campaign by Karen Handel and her team...[but] without the enormous amount allotted by the NRCC [more than $7 million], and without the specific and methodical ways we spent it on TV and digital – we would not have won. The same can be said for the incredible work done by CLF (Congressional Leadership Fund)."

1. During the jungle primary they identified him with unpopular party leader Nancy Pelosi, and portrayed him as just another liberal. (The Pelosi branding became a centerpiece of the GOP strategy throughout the race, and is part of the reason her leadership is under new jeopardy.) The Republicans also used Ossoff's own TV ad against him to highlight the fact that he did not support repealing Obamacare, and remind voters that Ossoff does not live in the district.
2. Also during the jungle primary – Republicans used residents of the district to accuse Ossoff of lying about his credentials, and they again reinforced the branding of him as a Pelosi liberal who'd raise taxes and weaken the military.
3. Straight after the primary, they ran a contrast ad — framing Ossoff as a carpetbagging Hollywood/Pelosi liberal and Handel as a "proven fighter for Georgia."
4. National security played a surprisingly heavy role in the messaging given Ossoff had never taken a vote that could be used against him. Republicans used the fact that he'd supported Obama's Iran deal to brand him as "naive" and soft on terrorism.
5. Doubling down on the "Ossoff is too risky" national security messaging because Republican internal polling showed it was damaging him. Honold believes the issue helped to disqualify Ossoff to many independents and motivated Republicans who were previously considering staying home.
6. When early voting began, Republicans aired a get-out-the-vote ad on Fox News and History Channel and on targeted digital/mobile destinations. Republican internal polls showed some of the voters who didn't like Trump — and were considering either staying home or voting for Ossoff as a protest vote — also happened to be motivated by a disgust for what they viewed as extreme behavior by liberal protesters. Republicans ran an ad titled "Childish Radicals" that played to that disgust — and used the controversial image of Kathy Griffin holding up Trump's severed head.
7. The closing argument: Republicans used a formula that had worked earlier in the campaign, filming voters from the district and repeating the key branding words for Ossoff — "childish," "naïve" and "inexperienced." And — of course — there was Nancy Pelosi.

Last word: "The massive investment made by the NRCC and the strategic message progression executed by Honold destroyed Ossoff," says Guy Harrison, another top Republican strategist and former NRCC executive director.

Yes, but: Moderates could get more wins after the Congressional Budget Office releases its analysis of the bill next week, and the leadership sees how much extra money it has to put into things like the opioid crisis and market stabilization.

What conservatives are saying:

• From the joint statement by Sens. Ted Cruz, Mike Lee, Rand Paul and Ron Johnson: "It does not appear this draft as written will accomplish the most important promise that we made to Americans: to repeal Obamacare and lower their healthcare costs."

• Sen. Susan Collins: "I very much want to see the CBO assessment of the impact on coverage, the impact on insurance premiums and the impact of the changes in Medicaid."
• Sen. Cory Gardner: "Gotta get through [the bill] and digest it."
• Sen. Shelley Moore Capito: "When I get a chance to sit down and look at it, hopefully later this afternoon," she'll be looking at the Medicaid provisions and opioid funding in particular.
  
• Sen. Rob Portman: "I look forward to examining this new proposal carefully and reviewing the analysis by the Congressional Budget Office when it is available. If the final legislation is good for Ohio, I will support it. If not, I will oppose it."
• Sen. Dean Heller: "As I have consistently stated, if the bill is good for Nevada, I'll vote for it and if it's not – I won't."