National

On June 7, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani announced a unilateral ceasefire with the Taliban from June 12 to 20, which the U.S. said it would honor. The Taliban followed suit, announcing a 3-day ceasefire coinciding with the Afghan government’s. 

Why it matters: The ceasefire’s outcome will almost certainly impact the Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process: As the Taliban’s first ceasefire since the Afghanistan War’s inception in 2001, it indicates a strategic shift for how the group might engage in talks with the Afghan government. But the ceasefire also presents an opportunity for the U.S. and Pakistan to improve their bilateral relationship, which has hit a nadir.  

Since 2001, U.S. administrations have repeatedly asked Pakistan to use its leverage against the Taliban to get them to the negotiating table, even as its influence over the Taliban has waned over the past decade. This time around, Pakistan, along with UNSC members, helped persuade the Taliban to reciprocate Ghani’s temporary truce. That's a positive sign for Pakistan, which has always sought a prominent role in U.S.–Afghan peace talks. 

While the Trump administration refuses to hold direct negotiations with the Taliban, U.S. officials are still asking Pakistan to facilitate Afghan–Taliban peace talks, as part of the administration’s support for an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process. Pakistan may not be the most reliable partner for U.S. efforts in Afghanistan, but it is a key regional player. 

The bottom line: If the U.S. hopes to end its war in Afghanistan with a lasting political settlement, it needs to improve its relationship with Pakistan — and hold direct talks with the Taliban, which is part of Afghanistan’s political fabric.

Sahar Khan is a visiting research fellow in the Cato Institute's Defense and Foreign Policy Department.

Afghan ceasefire an opportunity to improve U.S.–Pakistan relations

Pakistan has always sought a prominent role in U.S.–Afghan peace talks.

Afghan Army Chief of Staff, General Sharif Yaftali, during a press conference in Kabul on June 7, 2018.

Afghan Army Chief of Staff General Sharif Yaftali during a press conference in Kabul on June 7, 2018. Photo: Wakil Koshar/AFP via Getty Images

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Pakistan

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Politics

Afghanistan

On June 7, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani announced <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="a unilateral ceasefire with the Taliban" data-vars-click-url="https://www.axios.com/taliban-announces-cease-fire-with-afghan-government-for-end-of-ramadan-f18574fb-f02f-43fa-80a9-ca97a1e14a64.html" data-vars-content-id="25c6a7a6-45f5-4c0d-b530-746a8737003c" data-vars-headline="Afghan ceasefire an opportunity to improve U.S.–Pakistan relations" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.axios.com/taliban-announces-cease-fire-with-afghan-government-for-end-of-ramadan-f18574fb-f02f-43fa-80a9-ca97a1e14a64.html" target="_self">a unilateral ceasefire with the Taliban</a> from <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="June 12 to 20" data-vars-click-url="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-afghanistan-president-ceasefire/afghanistan-announces-ceasefire-with-taliban-until-june-20-idUSKCN1J30O2" data-vars-content-id="25c6a7a6-45f5-4c0d-b530-746a8737003c" data-vars-headline="Afghan ceasefire an opportunity to improve U.S.–Pakistan relations" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-afghanistan-president-ceasefire/afghanistan-announces-ceasefire-with-taliban-until-june-20-idUSKCN1J30O2" target="_blank">June 12 to 20</a>, which the U.S. said it <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="would honor" data-vars-click-url="https://www.militarytimes.com/flashpoints/2018/06/07/us-forces-to-honor-afghan-ceasefire/" data-vars-content-id="25c6a7a6-45f5-4c0d-b530-746a8737003c" data-vars-headline="Afghan ceasefire an opportunity to improve U.S.–Pakistan relations" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.militarytimes.com/flashpoints/2018/06/07/us-forces-to-honor-afghan-ceasefire/" target="_blank">would honor</a>. The Taliban followed suit, announcing a <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="3-day ceasefire" data-vars-click-url="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/09/world/asia/taliban-cease-fire-afghanistan.html" data-vars-content-id="25c6a7a6-45f5-4c0d-b530-746a8737003c" data-vars-headline="Afghan ceasefire an opportunity to improve U.S.–Pakistan relations" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/09/world/asia/taliban-cease-fire-afghanistan.html" target="_blank">3-day ceasefire</a> coinciding with the Afghan government’s. Why it matters: The ceasefire’s outcome will almost certainly impact the Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process: As the Taliban’s <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="first ceasefire" data-vars-click-url="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/taliban-announces-first-ever-cease-fire-at-end-of-holy-month-of-ramadan/2018/06/09/7caad786-92df-4ee5-8cfa-86ebcbbcdd19_story.html?utm_term=.a80f54a9bbfb" data-vars-content-id="25c6a7a6-45f5-4c0d-b530-746a8737003c" data-vars-headline="Afghan ceasefire an opportunity to improve U.S.–Pakistan relations" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/taliban-announces-first-ever-cease-fire-at-end-of-holy-month-of-ramadan/2018/06/09/7caad786-92df-4ee5-8cfa-86ebcbbcdd19_story.html?utm_term=.a80f54a9bbfb" target="_blank">first ceasefire</a> since the Afghanistan War’s inception in 2001, it indicates a strategic shift for how the group might engage in talks with the Afghan government. But the ceasefire also presents an opportunity for the U.S. and Pakistan to improve their bilateral relationship, which has hit a <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="nadir" data-vars-click-url="https://www.voanews.com/a/us-pakistan-trying-to-figure-out-how-to-cooperate/4241418.html" data-vars-content-id="25c6a7a6-45f5-4c0d-b530-746a8737003c" data-vars-headline="Afghan ceasefire an opportunity to improve U.S.–Pakistan relations" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.voanews.com/a/us-pakistan-trying-to-figure-out-how-to-cooperate/4241418.html" target="_blank">nadir</a>.

On September 5, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo confirmed that Zalmay Khalilzad will join the State Department as President Trump’s special adviser on Afghanistan. His main mission will be to facilitate talks between the Afghan government and Taliban.

The big picture: Appointing Khalilzad as a special advisor indicates that the Trump administration is serious about an Afghan-led peace process, and about maintaining its hardline approach toward Pakistan. But what remains unclear is how the Pakistani government, now led by first-time prime minister Imran Khan, will work with Khalilzad. 

Khalilzad is a known neoconservative figure in the U.S. war in Afghanistan, which has entered its eighteenth year. He previously served as the U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq and later as the UN ambassador during the George W. Bush administration. As an Afghan-American, Khalilzad has a unique understanding of Afghanistan that President Bush tried to capitalize on when Hamid Karzai was sworn in as Afghanistan’s president in 2004. 

Yes, but: His strong connection with Karzai and the visibility of his extended family’s involvement in the Afghan government, which included seeking contracts, raised some concerns within American diplomatic circles about his conflicting interests. In 2008, there was a rumor that Khalilzad might even run as a presidential candidate in Afghanistan’s elections. 

The central question is, what happens if Khalilzad is unable to deliver? He has often advocated for creating avenues of mutual understanding between the Afghan government and the Taliban. But he has also been very critical of Pakistan’s sponsorship of the group, even as the Trump administration has asked Pakistan to facilitate talks between the Afghan government and the Taliban.

The bottom line: There's no way to know whether Khalizad will be successful, but it’s safe to say that the Afghan peace process just got trickier.

Sahar Khan is an adjunct scholar in the Cato Institute's Defense and Foreign Policy Department.

Zalmay Khalilzad will try to pave way for Taliban talks with Afghanistan

He has criticized Pakistan’s sponsorship of the group.

Former US Ambassador to Afghanistan Zalmay Khalilzad speaks before Republican US Presidential hopeful Donald Trump speaks about foreign policy

Zalmay Khalilzad speaks about foreign policy at the Mayflower Hotel on April 27, 2016, in Washington, DC. Photo: Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images

Taliban

On September 5, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="confirmed" data-vars-click-url="https://www.npr.org/2018/09/05/641094135/zalmay-khalilzad-appointed-as-u-s-special-adviser-to-afghanistan" data-vars-content-id="261d14c8-dc76-4f77-ad10-5dfeeaa32495" data-vars-headline="Zalmay Khalilzad will try to pave way for Taliban talks with Afghanistan" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.npr.org/2018/09/05/641094135/zalmay-khalilzad-appointed-as-u-s-special-adviser-to-afghanistan" target="_blank">confirmed</a> that Zalmay Khalilzad will join the State Department as President Trump’s special adviser on Afghanistan. His <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="main mission" data-vars-click-url="https://www.dawn.com/news/1431125" data-vars-content-id="261d14c8-dc76-4f77-ad10-5dfeeaa32495" data-vars-headline="Zalmay Khalilzad will try to pave way for Taliban talks with Afghanistan" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1431125" target="_blank">main mission</a> will be to facilitate talks between the Afghan government and Taliban.The big picture: Appointing Khalilzad as a special advisor indicates that the Trump administration is <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="serious about" data-vars-click-url="https://www.dawn.com/news/1431252" data-vars-content-id="261d14c8-dc76-4f77-ad10-5dfeeaa32495" data-vars-headline="Zalmay Khalilzad will try to pave way for Taliban talks with Afghanistan" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1431252" target="_blank">serious about</a> an Afghan-led peace process, and about <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="maintaining" data-vars-click-url="http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/trump-picks-zalmay-khalilzad-atlantic-council-board-director-as-special-representative-on-afghanistan" data-vars-content-id="261d14c8-dc76-4f77-ad10-5dfeeaa32495" data-vars-headline="Zalmay Khalilzad will try to pave way for Taliban talks with Afghanistan" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/trump-picks-zalmay-khalilzad-atlantic-council-board-director-as-special-representative-on-afghanistan" target="_blank">maintaining</a> its hardline approach toward Pakistan. But what remains unclear is how the Pakistani government, now led by first-time prime minister Imran Khan, will work with Khalilzad.

President Biden has made the COVID-19 crisis and a post-Trump return to national unity and traditional democratic ideals his top priorities. From vaccinations to stimulus to schools, Biden is seeking bipartisan compromise while showing a willingness to use executive authority and bare Democratic majorities in the U.S. House and Senate to implement his policies. Republican leaders are navigating deep party divisions over if and how to move beyond former President Trump.

Politics & Policy

After a particularly violent summer, Afghanistan's president, Ashraf Ghani, proposed a three-month ceasefire with the Taliban this past Sunday, to begin on Monday. It follows a first ceasefire implemented during Eid al-Fitr, in June, which saw both Afghan security forces and Taliban insurgents refrain from attacks. 

The big picture: The Taliban have not officially accepted or rejected Ghani’s offer. But if the Taliban want its demands — which include a U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and direct talks with the U.S. — met, the group needs to increase its legitimacy. Accepting Ghani’s ceasefire is a low-cost opportunity to do so.

The Taliban are militarily strong and have continued to challenge the Afghan government in recent months, as evidenced by the attacks in Farah, Ghazni, and Kunduz. But as the war in Afghanistan enters its 18th year, a consensus has emerged among all stakeholders — the U.S., the Afghan government, Afghanistan’s neighboring countries and the Taliban themselves — that the ongoing war in Afghanistan can’t end without a political solution. For example, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia Alice Wells met with Taliban officials in Qatar last month to restart peace talks, and continues to urge Pakistan to persuade the Taliban to negotiate.

The Taliban of course can simply reject the ceasefire and continue attacks on Afghan security forces. But in accepting Ghani’s offer, the group would show a serious interest in a political solution. It would also distinguish itself from other violent militant groups operating in Afghanistan, such as ISIS, which launched rockets on Kabul residents celebrating Eid on Tuesday. 

The bottom line: A second ceasefire right now is in every major stakeholder's interest — even the Taliban’s. And while it would in all likelihood be insufficient to create legitimate and lasting avenues for political reconciliation, it is an essential step toward peace in Afghanistan.

Sahar Khan is a visiting research fellow in the Cato Institute's Defense and Foreign Policy Department. 

Why the Taliban should accept Afghanistan's ceasefire offer

It's a low-cost opportunity to increase the group's legitimacy.

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani listens to US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo during a press conference at the Presidential Palace in Kabul

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani listens to Secretary of State Pompeo at the Presidential Palace, in Kabul, on July 9, 2018. Photo: Wakil Kohsar/AFP via Getty Images

After a particularly violent summer, Afghanistan&#x27;s president, Ashraf Ghani, <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="proposed a three-month ceasefire" data-vars-click-url="https://twitter.com/ashrafghani/status/1031180819828822016" data-vars-content-id="ba023077-4169-4e86-ae9f-90bbc431b31e" data-vars-headline="Why the Taliban should accept Afghanistan&#x27;s ceasefire offer" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://twitter.com/ashrafghani/status/1031180819828822016" target="_blank">proposed a three-month ceasefire</a> with the Taliban this past Sunday, to begin on Monday. It follows a <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="first ceasefire" data-vars-click-url="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-44423032" data-vars-content-id="ba023077-4169-4e86-ae9f-90bbc431b31e" data-vars-headline="Why the Taliban should accept Afghanistan&#x27;s ceasefire offer" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-44423032" target="_blank">first ceasefire</a> implemented during Eid al-Fitr, in June, which saw both Afghan security forces and Taliban insurgents <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="refrain from attacks" data-vars-click-url="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-afghanistan-ceasefire/afghan-taliban-raise-hopes-with-surprise-eid-ceasefire-idUSKCN1J5050" data-vars-content-id="ba023077-4169-4e86-ae9f-90bbc431b31e" data-vars-headline="Why the Taliban should accept Afghanistan&#x27;s ceasefire offer" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-afghanistan-ceasefire/afghan-taliban-raise-hopes-with-surprise-eid-ceasefire-idUSKCN1J5050" target="_blank">refrain from attacks</a>. The big picture: The Taliban have not <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="officially accepted or rejected" data-vars-click-url="https://www.npr.org/2018/08/20/640157968/taliban-answers-afghanistans-cease-fire-offer-with-ambush-abductions" data-vars-content-id="ba023077-4169-4e86-ae9f-90bbc431b31e" data-vars-headline="Why the Taliban should accept Afghanistan&#x27;s ceasefire offer" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.npr.org/2018/08/20/640157968/taliban-answers-afghanistans-cease-fire-offer-with-ambush-abductions" target="_blank">officially accepted or rejected</a> Ghani’s offer. But if the Taliban want <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="its demands" data-vars-click-url="https://www.voanews.com/a/afghan-taliban-open-letter-to-american-people-calls-for-dialogue/4254075.html" data-vars-content-id="ba023077-4169-4e86-ae9f-90bbc431b31e" data-vars-headline="Why the Taliban should accept Afghanistan&#x27;s ceasefire offer" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.voanews.com/a/afghan-taliban-open-letter-to-american-people-calls-for-dialogue/4254075.html" target="_blank">its demands</a> — which include a U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and direct talks with the U.S. — met, the group needs to increase its legitimacy. Accepting Ghani’s ceasefire is a low-cost opportunity to do so.

Violence is increasing ahead of Pakistan's general elections this Wednesday. Throughout July, attacks on political candidates have killed more than 150 people and injured scores more. 

Why it matters:  Pakistan’s National Counter Terrorism Authority has issued a warning to vulnerable candidates, and the army announced that it will pledge 350,000 security personnel, but the increase in violence still spells trouble for election day. Although the military has stepped in for security purposes, it is also involved in intimidation.

Ikramullah Gandapur of the Pakistan Tehreel-i-Insaf party was killed on Sunday in a suicide attack orchestrated by the Pakistani Taliban.

The Pakistani Taliban also claimed responsibility for the attack on July 10 in Peshawar that claimed Haroon Bilour, a candidate of the Awami National Party, along with 20 others at a campaign event.

On July 13, the Pakistani Taliban attacked Akram Khan Durrani’s convoy in North Waziristan, killing 4 people and injuring 32.

That same day, the Islamic State took responsibility for a larger and bloodier attack in Mastung, Balochistan, killing over 130 people, including Nawabzada Siraj Raisani of the Balochistan Awami Party.

Candidates from the Pakistan Muslim League–N party have accused the military establishment of targeting the party and working to divide its vote base. The media has also accused the military of meddling to influence the national narrative — and ultimately the election results.

#HerVote, a campaign to encourage women to vote, has been trending online. But women in rural areas remain fearful of voting, and a ban on women voting continues in some locations.

The bottom line: The military’s interference in the elections not only hurts its credibility but also that of Pakistan’s political system. At the end of the day, the ability to vote safely doesn't much matter if the elections are unfair and unfree to begin with.

Pakistan elections jeopardized by violence, military involvement

Attacks on political candidates have killed more than 150 people.

Rescue worker preparing to transport the injured and dead to a hospital after a suicide bombing in Pakistan.

Rescue worker transporting the injured and dead to a hospital after a suicide bombing on July 13, 2018, against the Balochistan Awami Party killed at least 130. Photo: Muhammad Arshad/Pacific Press via Getty Images

<a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="Violence is increasing" data-vars-click-url="https://www.dawn.com/news/1419948/campaign-carnage" data-vars-content-id="eede7220-cce4-46e8-9cc0-a520f3c531ea" data-vars-headline="Pakistan elections jeopardized by violence, military involvement" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1419948/campaign-carnage" target="_blank">Violence is increasing</a> ahead of Pakistan&#x27;s general elections this Wednesday. Throughout July, <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="attacks on political candidates " data-vars-click-url="https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/07/17/pakistan-militant-attacks-escalate-election-nears" data-vars-content-id="eede7220-cce4-46e8-9cc0-a520f3c531ea" data-vars-headline="Pakistan elections jeopardized by violence, military involvement" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/07/17/pakistan-militant-attacks-escalate-election-nears" target="_blank">attacks on political candidates </a>have killed more than 150 people and injured scores more. Why it matters: Pakistan’s National Counter Terrorism Authority has <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="issued a warning" data-vars-click-url="https://www.dawn.com/news/1419042" data-vars-content-id="eede7220-cce4-46e8-9cc0-a520f3c531ea" data-vars-headline="Pakistan elections jeopardized by violence, military involvement" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.dawn.com/news/1419042" target="_blank">issued a warning</a> to vulnerable candidates, and the army announced that it will pledge <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="350,000 security personnel" data-vars-click-url="https://www.khaleejtimes.com/international/pakistan/video-350000-army-personnel-to-provide-security-for-pakistans-general-elections" data-vars-content-id="eede7220-cce4-46e8-9cc0-a520f3c531ea" data-vars-headline="Pakistan elections jeopardized by violence, military involvement" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.khaleejtimes.com/international/pakistan/video-350000-army-personnel-to-provide-security-for-pakistans-general-elections" target="_blank">350,000 security personnel</a>, but the increase in violence still spells trouble for election day. Although the military has stepped in for security purposes, it is also involved in intimidation.

In the wake of reciprocal attacks in February between India and Pakistan, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not responded favorably to Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan’s offer for talks, raising questions about Modi's Pakistan policy and whether he might want to go to war.

Between the lines: India is gearing up for a general election in April and May, and despite losses in key states, Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) remains a front-runner — something Modi does not want to change. One of his objectives with the Balakot attack was to show the Indian public that he is the leader with the necessary political will to fight terrorism emanating from Pakistan.

Modi has certainly adopted a hardline approach toward Pakistan, with the BJP often threatening to go to war. Also under Modi’s administration, India has been experiencing a rise in right-wing Hindu nationalism, which is not surprising in light of Modi’s roots in Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, a Hindu-nationalist paramilitary organization accused of inciting sectarian violence and fueled by a religious ideology that advocates for Hinduism's dominance within India. The RSS sees Pakistan, a Muslim-majority neighbor, as the ultimate enemy. 

Yes, but: Going to war with Pakistan would not guarantee an electoral victory for Modi, because there's no evidence that launching surgical strikes within Pakistan would deter militant groups like Jaish-e-Mohammad and Lashkar-e-Taiba — responsible for the 2008 Mumbai attacks — from attacking Indian forces in Kashmir.

Rather, surgical strikes would lead to a conventional war that would destabilize the region, potentially creating a devastating nuclear conflict or a refugee crisis in a region already experiencing its fair share (the Afghan crisis after the Soviet invasion, for example, and the ongoing Rohingya crisis). 

The congressional opposition, for its part, has criticized Modi and the BJP for politicizing the standoff with Pakistan for its own political gains during this election season.

The bottom line: Modi's re-election prospects would not be improved by his initiating a war. But unless Pakistan re-evaluates its use of militant proxies, and unless India ceases committing gross human rights atrocities in Kashmir, the two countries may stumble into one regardless.

Modi eyes electoral opportunity in India-Pakistan conflict

Modi remains the front-runner for India's elections in April and May.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses his supporters during Sankalp Rally at Gandhi Maidan on March 3, 2019 in Patna, India.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi addresses his supporters on March 3 in Patna, India. Photo: Parwaz Khan/Hindustan Times via Getty Images

Narendra Modi

In the wake of <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="reciprocal attacks" data-vars-click-url="https://www.axios.com/reciprocal-attacks-inflame-india-pakistan-hostilities-98ef4029-0c96-4b0c-b037-f59bea950ad0.html" data-vars-content-id="f01ce1f6-3e2a-439a-b2d6-3cb97ab2c7ef" data-vars-headline="Modi eyes electoral opportunity in India-Pakistan conflict" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://www.axios.com/reciprocal-attacks-inflame-india-pakistan-hostilities-98ef4029-0c96-4b0c-b037-f59bea950ad0.html" target="_self">reciprocal attacks</a> in February between India and Pakistan, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not responded favorably to Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan’s offer for talks, raising questions about Modi&#x27;s Pakistan policy and whether he might want to go to war.Between the lines: India is gearing up for a general election in April and May, and despite <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="losses in key states," data-vars-click-url="https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Modi-s-BJP-faces-losses-in-key-states-ahead-of-2019-elections" data-vars-content-id="f01ce1f6-3e2a-439a-b2d6-3cb97ab2c7ef" data-vars-headline="Modi eyes electoral opportunity in India-Pakistan conflict" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Modi-s-BJP-faces-losses-in-key-states-ahead-of-2019-elections" target="_blank">losses in key states,</a> Modi&#x27;s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) remains a front-runner — something Modi does not want to change. One of his objectives with the Balakot attack was to show the Indian public that he is the leader with the necessary <a class="gtmContentClick" data-vars-link-text="political will" data-vars-click-url="https://thewire.in/security/the-air-strikes-had-three-targets-but-hit-bullseye-in-just-one" data-vars-content-id="f01ce1f6-3e2a-439a-b2d6-3cb97ab2c7ef" data-vars-headline="Modi eyes electoral opportunity in India-Pakistan conflict" data-vars-event-category="story" data-vars-sub-category="story" data-vars-item="in_content_link" href="https://thewire.in/security/the-air-strikes-had-three-targets-but-hit-bullseye-in-just-one" target="_blank">political will</a> to fight terrorism emanating from Pakistan.

Sahar Khan

Stories

Modi eyes electoral opportunity in India-Pakistan conflict

Zalmay Khalilzad will try to pave way for Taliban talks with Afghanistan

Why the Taliban should accept Afghanistan's ceasefire offer

Pakistan elections jeopardized by violence, military involvement

Afghan ceasefire an opportunity to improve U.S.–Pakistan relations