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Over the past decade, the Philadelphia Police Department has spent more than $20 million on its body camera program, an initiative it launched to offer transparency and accountability to city residents. But an analysis by Axios found that thousands of officers violated bodycam policies, most for not turning on their cameras.

Why it matters: Philadelphia launched body cameras in 2014, during a period when high-profile police killings led many departments across the country to outfit their officers with recording devices.

In 2017, Mayor Jim Kenney praised a deal to more widely equip officers with the cameras, saying they’d “prove to be an important tool” in improving community relations and rebuilding public confidence in a department where officers had been involved in dozens of allegations of misconduct. 

What’s happening: An Axios analysis — and multiple interviews with criminal justice experts — shows the program faces challenges in the quest for greater transparency, including:

More than 1,000 officers have failed to turn on the cameras or otherwise violated department body cam policies, meaning there are untold hours of uncaptured encounters with the public.

More than 3,000 officers have logged hundreds of thousands of hours of footage that has largely not been reviewed.

And department policies prohibit supervisors from reviewing footage or conducting audits solely to find wrongdoing.

Zoom out: Snowden Becker, an audiovisual archivist, told Axios that body camera footage is what drives "meaningful reform” that’ll improve policing and protect police and residents from false accusations. Videos can also become vital evidence in internal affairs investigations and for prosecutors and defense attorneys in criminal cases.

In 2021, for example, researchers analyzed use of force complaints made by civilians against Chicago Police officers and found body camera footage increased the likelihood that officers were disciplined after internal affairs investigations and reduced racial disparities in how complaints were handled.

And a growing number of police departments use a new AI system that analyzes officers' body cam footage and flags problematic encounters, writes Axios’ Jennifer Kingston.

Philly was approached in recent months by a company offering similar technology, but police spokesman Sgt. Eric Gripp said the department currently doesn’t plan to adopt it.

The big picture: Without that type of technology to increase accountability, experts told Axios that for the nation's fourth-largest department, the "gold standard" is for supervisors to audit at least 10% of body camera footage.

However, Philadelphia Police couldn’t tell Axios exactly how many of 560,000 hours of body cam footage collected since 2015 were reviewed in cases when there weren’t specific complaints made against officers.

The department destroyed 845,000 videos not flagged for review over the same period.

It changed its retention policy following civil unrest in 2020 to keep every hour of footage recorded.

Before, footage that went unflagged for further review or as evidence was kept for a minimum of 30 days from when it was recorded, per the directive.

Flashback: Beyond the costs to buy the body cameras, Philadelphia spends an additional $1.5 million each year on data storage and equipment upkeep, city officials told Axios.

About two-thirds of the department — 3,750 of roughly 5,700 officers — are now equipped with the cameras.

The city plans to issue 450 additional cameras to officers in the 15th district and in special units by fall 2023, city officials told Axios.

How it works: The department directive states that officers must have their body cameras turned on when responding to crimes, during protests, while initiating arrests and conducting vehicle or pedestrian investigations, among other tasks.

At the end of their shifts, officers place the cameras on a docking system that uploads footage to a cloud system.

They're required to bookmark and tag “points of interest” collected during their shifts to make it easier for supervisors to locate and review critical footage.

Audits are mostly conducted to ensure officers follow the directive and not specifically intended to identify and eliminate troubled cops from the force, per the directive.

Supervisors cannot examine footage as part of disciplinary fishing expeditions. Plus, they must have permission from higher-ups and “good cause” in order to review footage of specific officers.

Instances of good cause include internal affairs or citizen complaints, vehicle pursuits and crashes, and situations when officers face resistance or people are injured by police.

There’s a team of 14 staff inspectors and officers performing random and targeted audits of body camera footage.

Yes, but: The department couldn’t tell Axios exactly how many times officers have been caught on body cameras engaged in serious misconduct.

What they’re saying: The enormous amount of footage going unreviewed every year is troubling, Seth Stoughton, a University of South Carolina law professor and body camera expert, told Axios.

“For every complicated problem, there is a solution that is simple, elegant and wrong,” says Stoughton, who added that many wrongly assumed that body cameras would be a “panacea” in policing. Instead, footage too often sits collecting “digital dust” in storage.

And that’s when it’s captured, as Axios found that more than 1,000 officers failed to turn on their body cameras during public encounters or otherwise violated the department's directives between 2018 and 2022.

Of these officers, 61 resigned while their violations were pending, 372 were trained and counseled, 262 were found guilty of violations and 331 are still awaiting hearings, according to city data.

First-time offenders usually face less serious penalties, ranging from reprimand to suspension, while repeat offenders face tougher consequences, including potential dismissal.

The city wouldn’t provide names of the 61 officers who resigned, but their disciplinary cases must be resolved if they ever attempt to rejoin the department.

Five of the 61 previously had charges against them sustained by internal affairs for domestic violence, excessive force and illegally stopping a pedestrian, Gripp told Axios.

The rest only had the body camera violation open when they resigned, and Gripp cautioned about inferring that’s why those officers left.

“How many were scheduled to retire, how many of them something better came along, how many of them were, ‘Yeah, this is the last straw. I’m not going to deal with this.’ For us to say that would be a leap,” he said.

Zoom in: Michael Mellon from the Public Defender Association of Philadelphia told Axios his office complained for years to city officials about officers not turning on body cameras while making arrests, sometimes intentionally, but only recently saw the problem being addressed.

The issues were centered in the 24th district — covering Kensington, Port Richmond and Juniata Park — where a review of 60 cases from 2018 and 2019 found only six recordings of detained persons before they were handcuffed. In only one of those cases did all six officers present have their cameras on.

When footage was available, there were often discrepancies in how officers presented accounts in reports compared with what was captured on camera, Mellon says, and they often failed to document when they detained individuals, as required by a 2011 consent decree.

In 2021, 13 Philly Police officers were pulled from the streets after body camera footage revealed discrepancies during an audit of more than 300 cases involving gun arrests, per the Inquirer.

What we’re watching: Hans Menos, former executive director of the Philadelphia Police Advisory Commission, now with the Center for Policing Equity, said it’s not just a matter of finding a few “bad apples” for a department that has “systemic” issues. He criticized the department’s infrequent release of footage to the public.

State law makes it nearly impossible for the public to obtain body camera footage unless it’s voluntarily provided by departments.

The Philadelphia Police confirmed it’s only done that once — when Walter Wallace Jr. was fatally shot by officers in 2020.

Otherwise, state law requires those asking for footage to submit requests in person or through certified mail within two months of an incident.

Requestors must also explain their “relationship” to the incident and, for ones that occurred in homes, provide a list of names for everyone present during the incident.

Menos also said a department policy that allows officers to watch video before writing reports and testifying was ripe for potential abuse as it could allow officers to alter their statements about incidents.

The other side: City spokesperson Sarah Peterson told Axios that it’s in the “best interest of the public” for officers to be allowed to watch footage before writing reports and testifying.

However, officers involved in shootings, in-custody deaths and instances in which someone is killed or seriously hurt are no longer allowed to watch footage before talking to internal affairs investigators.

The Fraternal Order of Police declined to comment on the city’s body camera program.

Editor's note: Axios' Keldy Ortiz contributed to this story.

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Philadelphia Police body camera footage remains largely unreviewed

An Axios analysis identified multiple flaws in Philadelphia Police's body cam program.

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Surveillance

From the Valley to D.C., Big Tech players like Facebook, Google and Amazon are under more scrutiny than ever as new technology develops and privacy and antitrust concerns grow in lockstep with companies’ ambitions.

Technology

A growing number of GOP-led states are barring state employees and contractors from using TikTok on government-issued devices as the FBI warns of possible threats to national security posed by the Chinese-owned social media platform.

Driving the news: Texas became the latest to do so on Wednesday, joining South Dakota, South Carolina and Maryland, all of which banned the app on government devices in the past week. Wisconsin Republicans are urging their Democratic governor to do the same.

What they're saying: "[U]nder China’s 2017 National Intelligence Law, all businesses are required to assist China in intelligence work including data sharing, and TikTok’s algorithm has already censored topics politically sensitive to the Chinese Communist Party," Texas Gov. Greg Abbott said in a letter to state officials Wednesday.

"There may be no greater threat to our personal safety and our national security than the cyber vulnerabilities that support our daily lives," Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan, whose directive also banned certain Russia-based platforms, said in a statement.

"Protecting our State’s critical cyber infrastructure from foreign and domestic threats is key to ensuring the health, safety, and well-being of our citizens and businesses," South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster wrote in a letter requesting that the state's Department of Administration block access to the app.

"South Dakota will have no part in the intelligence gathering operations of nations who hate us," South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem said in a press release.

Why it matters: TikTok is owned by the Chinese company Bytedance, which is largely subject to the Chinese government given the country's party-state system.

As a result, the Chinese government can access the key to the app's recommendation algorithm and collect user data if it wants to, according to FBI Director Chris Wray.

Yes, but: TikTok doesn't operate inside China. ByteDance instead offers a similar version of the app to Chinese customers.

TikTok Chief Operating Officer Vanessa Pappas testified at a Senate hearing in September that the company doesn't store U.S. user data in China and doesn't share any with Bytedance. 

Oracle also began vetting TikTok's algorithms and content moderation models earlier this year to ensure they aren't manipulated by Chinese authorities.

The big picture: TikTok has nevertheless faced growing opposition from officials in both U.S. parties.

Leaders on the Senate Intelligence Committee asked the Federal Trade Commission in July to investigate TikTok's data practices and corporate governance.

Nebraska Gov. Pete Ricketts (R) blocked TikTok on all state electronic devices in August 2020. 

The U.S. Army has also banned the app on government-owned phones.

Texas becomes latest state to ban TikTok on government devices

The FBI has warned of possible threats posed by the Chinese-owned social media platform.

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 The TikTok logo as shown on a smartphone on July 11, 2022. Photo: Marijan Murat/picture alliance via Getty Images

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After a record economic expansion, the coronavirus pandemic sent the U.S. economy into a recession as unemployment soared to staggering heights. The country now faces urgent questions about how much stimulus is needed for reeling consumers and businesses, and what a recovery might look like.

Economy & Business

President Biden has made the COVID-19 crisis and a post-Trump return to national unity and traditional democratic ideals his top priorities. From vaccinations to stimulus to schools, Biden is seeking bipartisan compromise while showing a willingness to use executive authority and bare Democratic majorities in the U.S. House and Senate to implement his policies. Republican leaders are navigating deep party divisions over if and how to move beyond former President Trump.

Politics & Policy

China is becoming the most formidable rival America has faced, and the risk of confrontation with Russia, North Korea or Iran still looms. Authoritarians are rising, the chaotic Afghanistan exit revealed the limits of U.S. power, and the pandemic, climate change and other critical challenges continue to pose grave threats.

World

FBI Director Chris Wray warned Friday that TikTok is controlled by a Chinese government that "doesn't share our values" and could "use it for influence operations."

The big picture: The popular video-sharing app has served as a point of concern for U.S. officials for years. Despite the platform's move to distance itself from its Chinese parent company, national security worries continue to hound TikTok, especially as Chinese President Xi Jinping enters his third term.

Why it matters: The main source of alarm is the fact that the Chinese government holds the key to the app's recommendation algorithm, Wray said Friday in remarks at the University of Michigan’s Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy.

This control "allows them to manipulate content, and if they want to, to use it for influence operations." The Chinese government also maintains the ability to collect user data, he noted.

"All of these things are in the hands of a government that doesn’t share our values and that has a mission that’s very much at odds with what’s in the best interests of the United States. That should concern us."

Catch up quick: TikTok began to dominate U.S. platforms in 2017 after private Chinese company ByteDance acquired U.S. app Musical.ly and combined it with TikTok.

It quickly became the target of the federal government, with the Trump administration threatening to ban the app. 

Concerns included Bytedance's alleged ties to China's government and military, along with criticisms about the firm's violations of children's privacy.

TikTok Chief Operating Officer Vanessa Pappas testified at a Senate hearing in September that the company doesn't store U.S. user data in China and doesn't share any with Bytedance. Chinese government officials have no access to it, she said.

The big picture: The firm has nevertheless appeared to unite tech factions against it, Axios' Ina Fried writes.

Its growth has been astounding even in the tech sector. TikTok surpassed 1 billion users in just over 5 years last year — a milestone it reached many years faster than Facebook, YouTube and Instagram.

FBI director warns of possible "influence operations" via TikTok

The app's algorithms and user data "are in the hands of a government that doesn’t share our values," Chris Wray said.

The TikTok app as seen in the App Store on an iPhone on Oct. 5, 2022. Photo: STR/NurPhoto via Getty Images

State and local government transactions involving covered ICTS

Data: Center for Security and Emerging Technology; Note: Tech transactions refer to information and communications technologies and services from foreign companies that U.S. entities and federal agencies are prohibited from buying; Chart: Simran Parwani/Axios Visuals

Despite federal efforts to block Chinese telecom equipment from U.S. supply chains, state and local governments across the country continued to buy products designated a threat to national security, a new report finds.

Why it matters: U.S. officials warn Chinese telecom equipment could make the U.S. vulnerable to economic espionage or digital sabotage.

State and local governments should better align themselves with federal policies in order to keep the gear out of schools, hospitals and other critical infrastructure across the country, according to a report published today by Georgetown University's Center for Security and Emerging Technology (CSET). 

Background: Federal agencies have been banned since 2018 from procuring products from Chinese tech companies Huawei, ZTE, Hikvision, Dahua, and Hytera. 

However, federal-level bans don't apply to state agencies. 

Only five states — Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas and Vermont — have enacted some measures to limit procurement of such equipment on national security grounds, though the report warns loopholes still exist in some of those states.

By the numbers: Between 2015 and 2021, at least 1,681 state and local entities purchased equipment and services tied to the five Chinese companies, according to the report.

The total value of the technology and services procured during that time was about $45 million.

Public schools districts, colleges and universities account for three-quarters of the purchases, but prisons, public hospitals and public transit systems have also bought gear.

The number of transactions has fallen since 2018, according to the report. But there were still more than 600 procurements in 2021 and there is no indication the transactions have stopped, said the report's co-author Jack Corrigan, a research analyst at CSET.

Details: The purchases covered a wide range of products, including smartphones, surveillance cameras and networking equipment, according to the report, which is based on procurement records scraped from public documents. 

The largest buyer, a mid-size public university in Michigan, invested more than $15 million in Huawei networking equipment and services during the seven-year period.

Two public school districts in Arkansas each spent more than $1 million dollars on Hikvision surveillance systems.

Between the lines: Chinese telecom equipment is generally less expensive than gear from non-Chinese companies, making it an appealing procurement option for cash-strapped local U.S. agencies.

Local agencies also often lack the in-house technical expertise and procedures to understand and address the threats posed by foreign technology.

What they're saying: "When the technologies are deployed in government networks, they can serve as entry points for any other networks that are connected to them," Michael Kratsios, co-author of the report and former CTO of the United States, told Axios.

"If adversaries or hackers are looking to cripple public services," he added, "they could use this hardware as entry points to pursue these activities."

"State and local governments can proactively take steps to purge these technologies from their supply chains, by adopting measures that are connected to federal guidance," Corrigan said.

What's next: The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) plans to ban all sales of new Huawei and ZTE telecom equipment in the U.S. on national security grounds, Axios reported earlier this month.

That ban would cover state and local entities. 

The FCC will also determine the scope of a ban on video surveillance equipment sales used for public safety, which would affect the other three Chinese companies, Hikvision, Dahua, and Hytera.

What to watch: The report made several policy recommendations to further mitigate the risks of these technologies at the state and local level, including:

Creating a master list of "untrustworthy" foreign telecom companies covered by procurement bans, so state and local procurement officers could easily identify risky technologies.

Increasing funding for "rip and replace" programs to swap out the equipment.

Go deeper: FCC poised to ban all U.S. sales of new Huawei and ZTE equipment

Governments bought Chinese telecom gear despite warnings

U.S. officials have warned Chinese telecom equipment could make the U.S. vulnerable to economic espionage or digital sabotage.

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Lack of global internet lifelines prompts calls for a U.S. plan

Pressure is growing for an internet plan for people living in conflict zones or under repressive regimes.

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On a recent trip to Seattle, I learned how tantalizingly close we are to being able to ditch our wallets.

Over two days, I managed to take two flights, check into a hotel room and pay for meals — all from my phone. Everything worked, but there were some asterisks involved.

Why it matters: We all forget our wallets some times, and many of us would like to leave them behind permanently, if possible.

How it happened: I thought I left my wallet at home. I realized this only after passing through airport security — otherwise I probably would have rushed home to get it. 

I pay for Clear, the privately operated "speed your way through the security line" service, which meant I only needed my irises (or fingerprints) and my boarding pass.

I did some quick calculations and realized that I might be able to get through this short trip without a wallet. I wasn't renting a car, and Clear also operates in   Seattle's airport for my return trip.

The big question mark was my hotel. But I was staying at a Hilton, which offers the ability to use your phone as a key — and, just as important in this context, to skip the usual check-in process requiring a driver's license and credit card.

Full disclosure: I did figure out I had my wallet with me during the San Francisco-to-Seattle flight. But I decided to shove it back in my backpack to see if I could avoid using it for the whole trip.

The big picture: While my experience relied on my Clear account and being a frequent hotel-goer, there are developments on the way that will make this document-free experience possible for far more people.

Most notably, Apple is beginning to allow people to store digital versions of their driver's license. (This is only available in Arizona and Maryland right now, and only certain airports are set up to accept such IDs.) More states are coming, and Google is working to support a similar capability in Android.

Government agencies are also moving toward more modern forms of identity, including U.S. Customs and Border Patrol, which is increasingly using biometrics rather than paper forms or kiosks to identify international travelers at airports. 

A growing number of infrastructure providers are tapping the NFC chip on phones to allow access to buildings that previously would have required a physical key card. 

Yes, but: Many of these conveniences come at the expense of sharing even more data — including highly personal biometrics — with third parties. 

If the last few years have taught us anything, it's that companies aren't always good at safeguarding our data.

On top of all that, high-tech replacements for wallets and keys raise both privacy and equity concerns, especially if they are not thoughtfully designed.

Be smart: If you want to go walletless, or even just be better prepared for the day you forget yours, some prep work can help.

I already have my ATM and credit cards stored in Apple Pay, and I store photographs of my family's vaccine cards and health insurance cards in my phone. (Just putting them in a separate album in Photos makes them easy to find.)

A picture of your passport and driver's license, while not valid as an official substitute, can also help in many situations.

The walletless future is closer than ever

I thought I'd lost my wallet. I made my way from San Francisco to Seattle without it anyway.

Illustration of a wallet shape filled with binary code

Apple Pay

Column / Signal Boost

Amazon used its fall hardware launch on Wednesday to introduce Kindle Scribe, a large-screen e-reader that can also be written on using a stylus.

Why it matters: This is the most significant update to Amazon's Kindle line in years, expanding its use beyond reading books.

Details: The Kindle Scribe will be available this holiday season for $340, including a stylus. It has a 10.2-inch display.

The move puts Amazon in competition with writable tablets from Remarkable, which says it has sold 1 million devices to date.

Separately, Amazon announced a variety of new products, updates and partnerships.

Amazon launches a Kindle you can write on

Amazon also added Eero mesh WiFi abilities to the Echo Dot and debuted the Halo Rise sleep tracker.

Surveillance

The big picture

New draft rules portend more internet censorship in China

IRS face recognition program raises hackles

Companies deploy tech to prevent retail crime

The U.S. is now playing by China's internet rules

The coronavirus is ushering in a new era of surveillance at work

Protest responses raise domestic surveillance concerns

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